1. Not the only Maoist leader
The International Committee to Support the People’s War in India reported on its website that one month after Modi regime declared “the victory over maoism”, in exchange of fire paramilitaries came under fire for several hours in Jharkhand , and Redspark website reported on an encounter in April when 4 CoBRA Jawans were injured in encounter with suspected Maoists in West Singhbhum District. The Security Forces had reportedly cornered Communist Party of India-Maoist senior leader Misir Besra in this area.
Besra, carrying a bounty of 10 million INR, is believed to be with nearly 50-armed cadres within a tightly monitored zone. A joint operation by the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), its Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (CoBRA), and Jharkhand Jaguars established a 10-kilometre cordon around the Maoist squad.
The Times of India reported on April 30, a cadre of the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist), identified as Amrit alias Israel Purti, a Central Technical Committee member, was killed in an encounter in the Saranda Forest area. According to Police, security forces came under fire, triggering an exchange of fire, in which Amrit was killed; intermittent firing continued through the day and the operation remained ongoing, with additional forces deployed to cordon off the area. Amrit was involved in assembling rockets, repairing weapons, and manufacturing Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs). The encounter comes amid intensified anti-Maoist operations.
Possible escape routes have been sealed, including key border points connecting Jharkhand with Odisha and Chhattisgarh. Security personnel have set up camps across strategic locations. “The deployment of forces has been reinforced in the forest, and although direct contacts have not been established yet, we are hopeful that the day of direct contact and exchange of fire is not very far,” a source in the Jharkhand Police told Indian online publication, ThePrint. Officials want to believe the operation in Saranda could mark the “final chapter” in the long pursuit of one of India’s most wanted Maoist commanders.
Since 2022 there has been sporadic reports in the Indian media that CPI (Maoist) politburo member Misir Besra and his squad members managed to escape following encounters with security forces. Search Operation continued – in April 2025 saw demolition of 11 bunkers and logistic dumps used by Besra in Jharkhand’s Saranda forests. Amidst the recovery of a large cache of arms and ammunition, there was the tightening encirclement and destruction of Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs), and construction of temporary military bases to consolidate a security perimeter . The Indian media report that CPI (M) cadres trapped in Saranda, faces starvation. While top state officials publically say their choice is surrender, capture or bullet.
Over 3,000 security personnel are involved combing Saranda Forests as Jharkhand search targets Misir Besra, last active CPI Maoist leader. Home Minister Amit Shah’s drive to end left-wing extremism (LWE) by March 2026 had nearly wiped out the top Maoist leadership, dropping from over 20 senior leaders to just one. Key figures like Basavaraju and Madvi Hidma, known for leading major attacks, were killed, while others such as Venugopal Rao and Thippiri Tirupathi surrendered. The 62-year-old Misir Besra, the lone surviving Politburo member of the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist), remains elusive and is reportedly hiding in the dense Saranda forests of Jharkhand. He is also the secretary of the Eastern Regional Bureau of CPI (Maoist). He was last arrested in 2007 and escaped from police custody at the Lakhisarai district court in Bihar in June 2009, following a Maoist attack on the court premises. A press profile (ThePrint April14, 2026) laid out the revolutionary career of 66-year-old Basra, characterised as the only Maoist leader still beyond the grasp of security forces.
Last November, Misir Besra had issued a statement condemning what he claimed was a ceasefire agreement entered into by the party’s Telangana State Committee with the state government. This was in opposition to the line taken by Thippiri Tirupathi, alias Devuji, who was the other remaining member of the Politburo — the highest decision-making body of the party. “Devuji, who headed the Central Regional Bureau (encompassing Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Telangana, Odisha and Andhra Pradesh), had agreed to peace talks and a ceasefire in Telangana.
The 62-year-old, Thippiri Tirupati surrendered to Telangana Police, along with another cadre, Malla Raji Reddy, and several others from the CPI (Maoist), just before the Union government’s March 2026 deadline.
Tirupati from Telangana’s Jagtial district, is thought to have taken over from the late CPI (Maoist) general secretary Nambala Keshav Rao alias Basavaraju, who died in May 2025. He played a role in forming the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA). He rose to become a central committee member of the CPI (Maoist) and a politburo member, while also serving as in-charge of the Central Military Commission (CMC). He operated from Maad in Chhattisgarh.
In May, former Maoist leader Tippiri Tirupati was reported planning to resume his education and would like to pursue a course in law, after surrendering after over four decades of underground life.
Tirupati, who was staying at his native place of Korutla near Karimnagar, said he went underground in the 1980s while studying 12th standard after being attracted to the ideals of establishing an equal society and former CPI (Maoist) general secretary Muppalla Lakshman Rao alias Ganapati and others.
He said that he did not join the mainstream with his surrender. He and his colleagues had been working with people and their problems when they were underground. “So, it is not the mainstream. We resumed our open life,” he said.
Speaking to PTI Videos in March this year, Tirupati demanded that the Centre lift the ban on CPI (Maoist) and recognise it as a political party, though the organisation does not favour participating in electoral politics.
2. The Counter-Insurgency strategy in India’s Shrinking ‘Red Corridor’
The internal security challenge against Left-Wing Extremism (LWE, or Naxalism) in the Red Corridor, previously stretching across 10 states, for decades represented more than violence in remote forests. From the viewpoint of the thinking bourgeoisie it reflected weak state presence, poor infrastructure, political neglect, uneven development, and the ability of anti-state forces in India to exploit local despair.
Yet, in April, the Ministry of Home Affairs stated that “no district in the country falls under the LWE-affected category.”
Violent incidents reportedly declined sharply over the past decade, while security-force and civilian fatalities also fell substantially. According to the government, LWE incidents declined from a high of 1,936 in 2010 to 234 in 2025. There was a 90 percent drop in civilian and security force deaths, from 1,005 in 2010 to 100 in 2025. The number of police stations reporting LWE violence also reduced from 465 in 2010 to 119 in 2025.
What changed was not only the intensity of counterinsurgency operations, but the philosophy behind them, that insurgency cannot be defeated by bullets alone, nor can development succeed without security. The result was described as firm force where necessary, sustained governance where absent.
There were measurable gains as the coordination and integrated action between the Ministry of Home Affairs, affected state governments, district administrations, and security agencies became more structured.
Forces such as the Central Reserve Police Force and other Central Armed Police Forces increasingly worked alongside state police in synchronized operations. Intelligence became more actionable, logistics improved, and political messaging grew firmer.
The Counter-Insurgency strategy recognised and address the fragmented responses of the Indian state, that political rivalries complicated coordination. Police modernization moved unevenly and intelligence sharing was inconsistent. Development ministries operated separately from security planners.
Now Union Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) has officially declared that no district in India remains affected by Left-Wing Extremism. The Indian state proclaims that there are no Naxal-affected districts in India anymore. In a communication issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) this April, Officials acknowledged that while isolated incidents involving residual Naxal elements continue to occur in parts of Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh, as they do not warrant the classification of entire districts as LWE-affected. In a major shift from previous classifications, the MHA has categorised 37 districts across multiple states as “Legacy and Thrust districts,” indicating that they are now free of active insurgency but require continued attention to prevent any resurgence. Additionally, one district—West Singhbhum in Jharkhand—has been designated as a “District of Concern,” where Naxal activity has been largely neutralised but vigilance remains necessary.
“Legacy and Thrust districts” are those where insurgency has been effectively eliminated, but sustained development initiatives and security presence are required to consolidate peace. A “District of Concern” is one where the insurgent network has been dismantled, though continued monitoring and targeted interventions remain essential.
Government sources emphasised that while the removal of the LWE tag represents a major achievement, efforts will continue to ensure long-term stability and prevent any re-emergence of extremism. However, that expectation relies on the improbable subjective investment of a caring, welfare capitalism, not a characteristic of the Indian state, neither a consistent or sustainable concern demonstrated by the Union government.
The short-term focus
The carrot aspect of the state’s twin-tracked anti-insurgency strategy provided an alternative to imprisonment and punishment. The rehabilitation offer seduced many into a surrender programme in Bastar alone, more than 1,250 former cadres have already completed skill training, while around 560 additional recruits are currently enrolled in various trades.
The reasons for former combatants’ defection from the cause can be many, and not always hostile, but the inducement did elicit a destabilising wave in revolutionary ranks.
Those retaining a revolutionary orientation argued,
“This is not the first time that the revolutionary communist movement in India is facing such a severe setback, earlier too in 1970s we had similar setback. After the martyrdom of Comrade Charu Mazumdar the party had disintegrated and several opportunist forces came into existences, there were several splinter groups. No centre for revolution was left in the country yet we could revive and build guerrilla base areas.”
The CPI (M)’s Northern Committee issuing a statement, Expose The Neo-Prachanda Path Of Devji And His Likes! [17/04/2026] that reaffirmed allegiance to the ninth congress-unity congress political line and the People’s War, stating “our party will remain armed and underground”.
3 Next stop, Manipur
India aims to end Northeast insurgency by 2029, prioritizing Manipur | Apr 27, 2026 | Hindustan Times
After making progress against left-wing extremism elsewhere, they’ll start shifting special security forces (including CRPF’s CoBRA units) possibly mid-2026 (e.g., after the Amarnath Yatra in July-August 2026).
Manipur is getting top priority since one-half of the region’s active insurgent groups are based there. Manipur recorded 77% of Northeast incidents. Even though overall insurgency incidents dropped from 824 in 2014 to 294 in 2024, Manipur still sees most of the action; 77% of all cases in the Northeast for 2024 happened here.
To step up its response, the state has brought in mine-protected vehicles and new gear. Plus, the Narcotics Control Bureau is tasked with planning a crackdown on drug networks that help fund these groups.
The hope is that this all-in approach will finally bring lasting peace to the region by 2029.
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Centre targets Northeast insurgency with 2029 deadline, first focus on Manipur |Hindustan Times 27/04/2026 | Story by Prawesh Lama
The Centre plans to shift its focus on containing insurgency in the North East after already achieving its target of ending left-wing extremism (LWE) in the country, officials aware of the development said.
They said the Centre plans to redistribute forces which had been engaged in the LWE-affected areas to the insurgency-hit states of Manipur, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland, and plan to achieve the mission by 2029.
The realignment of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) is likely to begin after the culmination of the ongoing assembly elections in West Bengal, where polling in the second phase is scheduled to be held on April 29, and the Amarnath Yatra (July-August).
Over the next few months, possibly mid-2026, select units trained in guerrilla warfare—such as the CRPF’s CoBRA (Commando Battalion for Resolute Action), raised to combat Maoist insurgency, will shift to the Northeast (NE). However, officials said the withdrawal from LWE-affected areas will be calibrated, with gradual reduction of forces, rather than a complete withdrawal.
Officials in Manipur, one of the targeted states, confirmed receiving the first batch of new mine-protected vehicles that are used across sensitive areas.
There are a total of 16 insurgent groups active in the North East, with Manipur having the most groups at 8, followed by Assam 3, Meghalaya 2, Tripura 2, and Nagaland 1.
Government data shows a sharp decline in insurgency-related violence over the past decade. In 2014, there were 824 incidents, with 1,934 extremists arrested, 181 killed, and 212 civilian deaths. By 2024, incidents had dropped to 294, with 31 extremists killed, 571 arrested, and 30 civilian deaths.
A majority of these incidents and casualties in 2024 were linked to ethnic strife in Manipur, which alone accounted for 77% of all insurgency-related cases in the region.
An officer in Manipur, who asked not to be named, said, “The deployment of forces will start with Manipur, where the insurgency is a bigger challenge in comparison to the NE states.”
“In closed-door meetings, top government officials have already said that insurgency and drug smuggling trade in the NE should end. The 2029 deadline has been mentioned a few times. Many mine-protected vehicles, along with bulletproof cars that forces have in the former LWE states, will come to the NE. Some of the light bulletproof vehicles have already reached Manipur’s Ukhrul district, which has reported clashes between Nagas and Kukis. We do not know if these vehicles were brought from Chhattisgarh or some other state. Manipur is also getting its own vehicles for counter insurgency jobs,” the officer said.
By mid-May, once state governments are formed in the states, the forces will move out, said the officer.
“The Amarnath Yatra this year will again have massive security. After polling, some reinforcements will be moved to Jharkhand and bordering Odisha to track the last Maoist Central Committee leader. After that, the focus will shift to the Amarnath Yatra, and then North East, starting with Manipur insurgents,” the officer said.
Even as the government has declared India Naxal-free with Maoist groups no longer controlling villages or running parallel ‘jantana sarkar’, one senior leader, Misir Besra, is still believed to be hiding in the forests of Jharkhand’s West Singhbhum district, now the only LWE-hit district of concern in India. Earlier this month, three CoBRA battalions previously deployed in Chhattisgarh’s Bastar region were moved to Jharkhand to track him.
Home ministry data of 2024 revealed that Mizoram and Tripura have been recording zero insurgency-related cases for the last few years, while Meghalaya reported just one incident. In contrast, Manipur reported 226 cases, followed by Nagaland at 42, Arunachal at 17, and 7 cases in Assam.
A second officer, who asked not to be named, said that the home ministry has already tasked the Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB) with planning a systemic crackdown on narcotics trade in the region as the narco trade is being used to fund insurgents.
4. India’s Maoist insurgency in five key dates
Published by AFP 30/03/2026
India’s decades-old Maoist insurgency has been effectively defeated, fulfilling a long-standing deadline to “eradicate” the movement after a sustained military offensive, officials said Monday.
Home Minster Amit Shah told parliament that India was “free” of the rebels, known as the Naxals, with only final steps of military operations remaining.
The nearly six-decade long rebellion, which began in the 1960s and killed more than 12,000 people, was once described by a former prime minister as the biggest internal security threat India faced. “We have become Naxal-free — there is no hesitation in saying this,” Shah said.
AFP traces the history of one of Asia’s longest insurgencies in five key dates.
– 1967: Naxalites –
A rural revolt in the village of Naxalbari in the tea growing Himalayan foothills of West Bengal against exploitative landlords sets in motion an armed movement, 20 years after India threw off British imperial rule.
Inspired by teachings of Mao Zedong — still alive at that time — peasants armed with bows and arrows seize land.
The poorly-organised uprising was swiftly crushed.
But it inspires other armed groups to mobilise and demand land redistribution — and gives the emergent guerrilla force its name.
The movement becomes known as the Naxalites, after the village where it began.
– 1980s: Expansion –
One faction moves into the dense jungles of central India, resolving to expand its struggle to include attacks on police and paramilitary forces.
The forests of Bastar, in Chhattisgarh state, become a key hideout and staging post for guerrilla operations.
Maoists cultivate support from the area’s tribal population by helping them campaign for proper land titles and better prices for forest produce.
This local backing sustains the insurgency for decades.
– 2004: Momentum –
Two separate factions merge to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist), with the declared aim of establishing a “people’s government” through the violent overthrow of the Indian state.
At its peak, in the mid-to-late 2000s, the rebels field an estimated 15,000 to 20,000 armed cadres, operating in districts across nearly a third of India.
In many of these areas, known as the “Red Corridor”, the guerrillas shut out the government entirely and establish their own parallel administration.
The rebels maintain a tight grip, enforcing their rule through executions of suspected informers.
– 2010: Deadly attacks –
A Maoist ambush in Chhattisgarh in April 2010 kills 76 paramilitary troops, the single deadliest attack on Indian security forces by the insurgents.
In 2013, the Maoists attack a political convoy, killing more than two dozen people. It effectively wipes out the top state leadership of the Congress party.
Then-prime minister Manmohan Singh described the movement as India’s “biggest internal security threat”.
Government forces launch a major counteroffensive, deploying large paramilitary contingents to penetrate Maoist strongholds.
Rights groups raise concerns over high civilian casualties among tribal communities caught between security forces and insurgents.
– 2026: End game –
Years of sustained counterinsurgency under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and spearheaded by Home Minister Amit Shah, leave the movement a shadow of its former self.
Its top leadership has either been killed or has surrendered.
In 2025 alone, security forces killed 364 insurgents, arrested 1,022, and another 2,337 surrendered, including senior leaders, according to figures tabled in India’s parliament.
Civilian and security force deaths have dropped by 90 percent since 2010, and annual Maoist attacks have fallen from over 1,900 to roughly 200 last year.
Thippiri Tirupati, who assumed leadership after the killing of the previous chief in 2025, surrendered in February, delivering a decisive blow to the insurgency.
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5. Pumping out their narrative
The Indian state is pumping out its narrative that it has turned the corner in its battle against Naxalism – that notion underlie this interview that Bastar, as historically the strategic heartland of the Maoist movement, saw sustained operations disrupted the core leadership and operational bases of Maoists. The article headline emphasised the triumph “vanquished” conclusion of Indian politicians and Securitate:
CPI (Maoist) Almost Extinct Now, Naxal movement Revival Next To Impossible
Rabindra Nath Choudhury, 31 March 2026
Banned CPI (Maoist) is almost extinct now, claimed Bastar range inspector general of police Sundarraj Pattilingam, who marshalled his forces on the ground in the conflict zone to steer Bastar from the ignominy of being the worst-affected Left-wing Extremism region of the country to ‘almost Naxal-free.
In an exclusive Interview to Deccan Chronicle, he says revival of Naxal movement is next to impossible’
Q. When can we say Bastar is Naxal-free?
Ans. Bastar can be now considered Naxal-free as Maoist organizations lost the capacity to operate as an armed extremist force- meaning there are no organized armed squads, no ability to intimidate villagers, no capacity to carry out violence, and the remaining cadres either surrender, get neutralized, or fully integrate into society. The real benchmark is not just the absence of incidents, but the complete restoration of governance, development, and public confidence across all areas.
Q. Considering the March 31 deadline, what remains to be done to declare Bastar Naxal-free?
Ans. Significant progress has already been achieved. The immediate focus is now on: Encouraging the surrendered cadres to organically integrate into the mainstream. Securing the area cleared from the Maoist influence. Expanding development, road connectivity, and administrative presence in previously inaccessible areas.
Q. Which particular areas in Bastar still remain a spot of bother?
Ans. While the overall situation has improved drastically, some remote forest pockets and inter-district border areas still need a lot of focus and attention. These are mostly areas where difficult terrain historically allowed Maoists to hide. However, even in these pockets their movement and influence have completely reduced due to continuous security pressure and improved infrastructure.
Q. What may be the reason for those Maoists who still refuse to give up?
Ans. The remaining, only a handful of cadre, generally fall into a few categories: Cadres who have been isolated from accurate information and continue under confusion. Some individual cadres who have spent decades in the underground movement and find it psychologically difficult to transition to normal life.
Q. Who are the significant leaders who still remain active?
Ans. A few senior leaders of the CPI (Maoist) organization like politburo member Misir Besara still remain active in the Jharkhand area. However, their operational capability has weakened considerably due to sustained security operations, loss of cadres, and disruption of communication networks. Many mid-level commanders who once formed the backbone of the organization have already been neutralized or have surrendered.
Q. How do you describe the current fighting capability of Maoists in Bastar and in India? What about their battalions?
Ans. The fighting capability of Maoists has declined sharply and have almost become zero both in Bastar and across India. Their once structured military formations have been severely weakened. In Bastar, Maoists earlier had organized battalion-level formations and multiple armed companies. Due to sustained security pressure, many of these units have been dismantled or reduced to small scattered groups. Even the historically strongest formations now are decimated and have become non-existent.
Q. How many Maoist divisions were there in Bastar and how many are still functional?
Ans. Earlier Maoists had organized Bastar into multiple divisions to manage their activities. Over time, due to continuous operations by security forces and declining cadre strength, several of these divisions have either collapsed or become largely inactive. Their command structures have weakened and their ability to coordinate operations has been significantly disrupted.
Q. How do you plan to neutralize rural cadres who formed the base of the Maoists?
Ans. Our approach is not purely security-centric but also socio-economic development. It includes: Encouraging surrender through rehabilitation policies. Community engagement and confidence-building measures. Expanding development schemes in remote villages. Ensuring that former cadres receive livelihood support so they can integrate into society.
Q. Can you give a brief picture of the current situation of Leftwing Extremism in India?
Ans. Across India, Leftwing Extremism has witnessed a significant structural decline. Key indicators include: Collapse of several Maoist organizational structures. Continuous loss of trained cadres and experienced leadership. Reduced operational capability and shrinking geographical influence. Increasing trust deficit within the Maoist leadership. Stronger coordination between Central and state security forces. This has led to a steady weakening of the Maoist movement nationwide. Now the Maoist outfit is almost extinct.
Q. Do you think the surrender of certain top leaders is necessary to declare India Naxal-free?
Ans. Out of 24 Central Committee members/ politburo members in the apex body of CPI (Maoist), in 2024, only one active politburo member Misir Besara is left out at present (March 2026). Whereas another politburo member Ganpathi is out of action for almost the last six to seven years. Remaining all 22 have either been neutralized or surrendered or arrested. While surrender or neutralization of top leaders would certainly accelerate the process, the movement itself is already weakening structurally. What matters the most is the collapse of the organization’s ability to recruit, mobilize and carry out violence. Once that capability disappears, the ideology cannot sustain itself in the field.
Q. What are the key reasons for the rapid collapse of such an organized outfit?
Ans. Several factors contributed to the decline: Sustained and coordinated security operations. Improved intelligence and inter-state coordination. Expansion of roads, connectivity, and governance in remote areas. Effective surrender and rehabilitation policies. Loss of local support among tribal communities.
Q. How has Bastar played a key role in eradicating Naxalism in India?
Ans. Bastar was historically the strategic heartland of the Maoist movement. Sustained operations in Bastar have: Disrupted the core leadership and operational bases of Maoists. Broken key corridors that connected Maoist areas across states. Restricted Maoists to isolated forest hideouts. Enabled governance and development to reach remote regions.
Q. Does making Abujhmad free of Naxal influence play a major role? How free is Abujhmad now?
Ans. Bringing Abujhmad into the administrative and development framework is a major milestone. For decades it remained a Maoist stronghold due to inaccessibility. With increasing security presence, road construction, and administrative outreach, Maoist dominance in the region has weakened considerably. The area is progressively opening up for governance and development. Abujhmad, loosely translated into English as an ‘area not comprehensible’ is a 4,000 sq km forested area dotted with difficult hilly terrains. It extends from south Bastar in Chhattisgarh to Gadchhiroli in Maharashtra. The region had been used as a safe haven by top Maoist leaders and a training ground for the military cadres of the CPI (Maoist). It was once considered Maoist capital in India. CPI (Maoist) general secretary Basavaraju was tracked and killed in Abujhmad forest on May 21, 2025 by security forces.) This was the first time in the decades long history of Leftwing Extremism, its head was killed in an encounter with security forces.
Q. Any chances of revival of Naxalism?
Ans. At present, the chances of revival of Naxalism appear next to impossible. The Maoist organization has lost much of its manpower, leadership strength, logistical networks, and local support. Continuous vigilance by security forces and sustained development initiatives will ensure that such a movement does not regain ground.
Q. IEDs (improvised explosive devices) planted by Maoists still pose a challenge. What is the plan to make Bastar IED-free?
Ans. IEDs remain one of the primary threats. Security forces are focusing on: Advanced mine-detection technologies. Specialized bomb disposal teams. Training local forces in counter- IED operations. Increasing road opening and surveillance measures. These steps are gradually reducing the threat.
Q. Will social integration of surrendered Maoists be a challenge?
Ans. Integration is always a sensitive process, but the government’s rehabilitation policies focus on reform, livelihood, and dignity. Community outreach programs are also conducted to build acceptance and reconciliation. Overtime, many surrendered cadres have successfully integrated and are now living normal lives.
Q. Is there a possibility of extending the surrender deadline? Ans. The surrender policy represents a humane opportunity extended by the government for Maoist cadres to renounce the path of violence and return to the mainstream, where they can rebuild their lives with peace, dignity, and lawful livelihood. While certain timelines may be announced by the government for operational purposes, the underlying message is unequivocal – there is no justification or space left for pursuing violence in the name of a struggle for rights. In a democratic framework, every citizen has access to constitutional safeguards and legal avenues to raise grievances and seek justice. The path of violence must now give way to the path of dialogue, development, and democracy.
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